Download Identity Politics in the Age of Genocide: The Holocaust and by David B. MacDonald PDF

By David B. MacDonald

In an period of globalization and id politics, this e-book explores how Holocaust imagery and vocabulary were appropriated and utilized to different genocides.

The writer examines how the Holocaust has impacted on different ethnic and social teams, asking no matter if the Holocaust as an emblem is an invaluable or harmful technique of studying non-Jewish background. This volume:

  • explains the increase of the Holocaust as a gentle procedure, charting how its significance as a logo has developed, offering a theoretical framework to appreciate how and why non-Jewish teams decide to invoke ‘holocausts’ to use to different events
  • explores the Holocaust relating to colonialism and indigenous genocide, with case stories on the US, Australia and New Zealand
  • analyzes the Holocaust relating to battle and genocide, with case stories at the Armenian genocide, the Rape of Nanking, Serbia and the Rwandan genocide
  • examines how the Holocaust has been used to advertise animal rights.

Demonstrating either the possibilities and pitfalls the Holocaust offers to non-Jewish teams who search to symbolize their collective histories, this e-book fills a far wanted hole at the use of the Holocaust in modern id politics and should be of curiosity to scholars and researchers of politics, the Holocaust and genocide.

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Additional info for Identity Politics in the Age of Genocide: The Holocaust and Historical Representation (Routledge Advances in International Relations and Global Politics)

Example text

7 Second, Hebrew collective identity bequeathed the ideal of a covenant to European nations. 8 The Hebrew covenant also created a cyclical reading of how history operated, in a cycle of ‘rise, fall and rise again’, or what Northrop Frye has dubbed a ‘covenential cycle’. Here, negative events were followed by positive rewards. 9 The ideal of a covenant between God and his people would make each person theoretically an equal member of the nation, creating a more ‘democratic’ collective without the need for ‘high priests’ to interpret national identity.

Kuwait was upheld as a Czech or Polish-like victim needing to be saved from an ‘Arab Hitler’. 82 As the Holocaust’s significance was being diluted, West Germans were also trying to normalize their past. From 1986, the Historikerstreit or Historians’ Debate inaugurated attempts to contextualize the Holocaust within German history. The debate pitted a number of right- and left-wing academics and journalists against each other. On the right, Michael Stürmer, Ernst Nolte, Andreas Hillgruber, Joachim Fest, and Klaus Hildebrand attacked the left for submerging German history and national identity under a guilt complex.

In Philadelphia, 80 per cent of damaged stores were Jewish-owned. 45 Added to this was the Six Day War, which brought home fears that Jews were safe neither in Israel nor in the Diaspora. 47 Support was both financial and political. The United Jewish Appeal managed to raise $100 million in one month to send to Israel, and by the 1973 war, another $675 million had been raised. 48 At the level of social protest, Novick rightly notes increasing competition between Blacks and Jews, with an escalating and unedifying ‘discourse of competitive claims to victimization’.

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